Arabs & Arabian Records Aggregator. Chronicler. Milestones of the 25 Countries of the Arabic Speaking World (official / co-official). AGCC. MENA. Global. Ist's to Top 10's. Records. Read & Enjoy./ www.arabianrecords.org
Who is Kaylia Nemour, the 17-year-old Algerian world champion gymnast?
Kaylia Nemour, the 17-year-old Algerian gymnast, won gold on the women’s uneven bars at the World Cup in Cottbus, Germany, marking a milestone in her career.
Evolving within the Avoine-Beaumont club, the Algerian gymnast has established herself as a promising star in the discipline and aims to maintain her status at the upcoming Paris 2024 Olympic Games. Nemour’s participation towards the Paris 2024 Olympics was secured on October 2, 2023, when she earned her place at the 2023 World Championships in Antwerp, Belgium, with a silver medal on the uneven bars.
Arriving at the World Cup Final in Germany 2024 as the favorite, Nemour lived up to expectations by scoring 15.433 on the uneven bars, mirroring her qualifying score. Her performance on Saturday not only secured her first place on the podium, but also highlighted her formidable competitiveness on her favorite apparatus.
“Qualifying was particularly successful. One of her best performances ever, a cut above the World or African Championships. She’s matured and grown, which makes the movement even prettier and more pleasing to watch,” explained her coach Marc Chirilcenco to La Nouvelle République.
More competitions to come
In addition to her uneven bars triumph, Nemour is also preparing for upcoming competitions, including the World Cup stops in Baku, Azerbaijan March 7-10, and Doha, Qatar, April 17-20, followed by the African Championships in Marrakech, Morocco April 30-May 7.
Under the patronage of H.H. Dr. Sheikh Sultan bin Muhammad Al Qasimi, Supreme Council Member and Ruler of Sharjah, Sharjah Centre for Islamic Economics (SCIE) at the university organised a ceremony to honour the winners of the Al Qasimia University Award for Islamic Economics Research, held in the university theatre, in the presence of the President of the University, members of the Board of Trustees, the University Rector, deans of colleges, and members of the Academic, and administrative bodies and students.
Professor Jamal Salem Al Tarifi, President of Al Qasimia University, honoured the award winners and congratulated them on the quality of research presented in Islamic economics studies.
Professor Dr. Awad Al Khalaf, Acting Chancellor of the University, expressed his highest thanks and gratitude to the Ruler of Sharjah, and founder of the University, for His Highness’s generous patronage of the award, as this sponsorship adds value to one of the most important scientific activities that contribute to the renaissance of the economic sector, and the dissemination of the principles and values of Islamic economics, according to scientific foundations, and qualitative scientific research taking into consideration the real need of building a solid economy that achieves UAE development.
The list of researchers included honouring Dr. Badr Al Zaman Khamqani, from the Republic of Algeria, winner in the field of economics, in his research entitled: “A proposed strategy to accelerate the pace of digital transformation in Islamic banks.” Dr. Ahmed Abdel Rahman Ahmed Al Majali, from the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, won in the field of law, in his research entitled: “blockchain technology compatibility with Islamic financial transactions.” Professor Dr. Aisha Muniza, from the Maldives, won in the field of economics, in her research entitled: “Development of a digital Islamic social stock exchange”.
Dr. Yasser Al Hosani, SCIE Director, announced the launch of the fourth edition of the award under the title “Smart Islamic Financial Engineering”.
8 years have passed since the Algerian film “Z,” the only Arab film, received an Oscar award for best foreign film and best montage.
In 1970, American actor Clint Eastwood and Claudia Cardinal, the famous Italian actress, announced Algeria’s win.
It was received by Ahmed Rashdi, on behalf of the production department of the National Organization for Algerian Cinema, which produced the film.
The film “Z”, one of the most prominent political films in the history of international cinema, was a joint French-Algerian production, dealing with the assassination of the politician Gregory Lambrax in 1963, and the uprising of youth and students condemning dictatorship and repression.
The story was an adaptation of a book by Greek novelist Vassilis Vassilikos inspired by the events of the coup which took place in Greece in the mid-sixties as the army took control of power.
It focused on the assassination of the of democratic Greek politician Grigoris Lambrakis in 1963, and the uprisings of youth and students angry at his assassination, denouncing dictatorship and repression.
Most of the scenes were filmed in Algeria by director Costa-Gavras in areas similar to the nature of the city of Athens.
French actors including Jean-Louis Trintignant, Yves Montand along with Greek actress Irene Papas, Algerians Hassan Hassani, Sayed Ahmed Akoumi and Alal al-Mohaib were among the actors.
The letter “Z” was chosen as the title of the film, because it represents a symbolic political connotation in the Greek language, meaning “living.”
It was used by political adversaries of the coup in Greece, as they wrote it on the walls of the Greek cities to denounce the politics of repression and the death of Lambrax.
The architect, researcher and associate professor at the university of Science and Technology of Oran “Mohamed Boudiaf” (USTO), Dr. Dalila Senhadji has won the Hypatia International Award at the Biennale of architectural and Urban Restoration in Florence, Italy, for her outstanding academic career, the academician said Saturday.
The Minister of Islamic Affairs, Call and Guidance, Sheikh Dr Abdullatif bin Abdulaziz Al Al-Sheikh has approved the results and names of the winners in the 43rd edition of King Abdulaziz International Competition for Memorization, Recitation and Interpretation of the Holy Qur’an.
The competition, held at the Grand Mosque, witnessed the participation of 166 contestants representing 117 countries, competing in all five categories of the competition, with the total prize amount for this edition reaching SAR4,000,000.
In the first category, Ayoub bin Abdulaziz Al-Wahibi from the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia secured first place and received a prize of SAR500,000. Saad bin Saadi Sleim from Algeria came in second place, earning SAR450,000, while Abu Al-Hasan Hassan Najm from Chad achieved the third position, receiving a prize of SAR400,000.
In the second category, Ammar bin Salem Al-Shahri from the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia claimed the first position and was awarded a prize of SAR300,000. Mohammed bin Adnan Al-Omari from Bahrain secured second place, receiving a prize of SAR275,000. The third position went to Abdulaziz bin Malik Atli from Syria, who received a prize of SAR250,000.
In the third category, the winners include Mohammed bin Ibrahim Mohammed from Somalia, who clinched first place and received a prize of SAR200,000. Second place went to Shuaib bin Mohammed Hassan from Sweden, who was awarded SAR190,000 while Faisal Ahmed from Bangladesh secured the third position, earning SAR180,000 Saudi Riyals, and Mohammed Mufid Al-Azza from Indonesia claimed the fourth spot and received SAR170,000. Siraj Al-Din Muammar Kandi from Libya rounded off the top five, receiving a prize of SAR160,000.
Regarding the fourth category, the winners are as follows: Mohammed Ghai from Senegal secured the top position, earning a prize of SAR150,000. Hatem Abdulhamid Falah from Libya claimed the second spot, receiving an award of SAR140,000 and Yassin Abdulrahman from Uganda achieved the third position, with a prize of SAR130,000. Mashfiqur Rahman from Bangladesh attained the fourth position and was granted SAR120,000 while rounding off the top five, Abdulkader Yousef Mohammed from Somalia received a prize of SAR110,000.
As for the fifth category, Elias Abdou from the country of Larionion secured the first position, earning a prize of SAR65,000 while the second place went to Ibrahim Shahbandari from India who was awarded SAR60,000. Marwan bin Shalal from the Netherlands achieved the third position, receiving SAR55,000 and Mustafa Sinnanovic from Bosnia and Herzegovina attained the fourth position and received SAR50,000. Lastly, Hassib Amrullah from North Macedonia took fifth place, earning a prize of SAR45,000.
Throughout history, Algerian women have fought injustice at work, in the home and on the battlefields, yet their contributions are relatively uncelebrated.
Throughout Algeria’s history under French colonialism, women played a vital role in the quest for self-determination, as well as in protecting and developing the country’s culture and traditions.
This was particularly apparent during the War of Independence (1954-1962), when Algerians fought to free the North African country from 132 years of French rule in a battle that would come to represent the epitome of fierce revolutionary resistance.
Driven by the resolve to liberate Algeria at all costs, women took to combat in an expansive range of roles including as paramilitary fighters, transporters, fundraisers, nurses, cooks and communicators.
One of the many tactics often adopted by female agents during the war was to act as communicators between the Algerian soldiers and the population as a whole, in order to raise funds and propagate news about the revolution. Ironically, by taking part in such high-risk operations, Algerian women strategically subverted the colonial stereotype of the tepid and submissive native woman afforded to them by the unsuspecting French army.
On 5 July 1962, the revolution ended in liberation for Algeria. But while one battle ended, others would soon begin for the country’s female population.
Algerian women would continue to actively engage in national politics in the years following independence, fighting patriarchy, misogyny and political alienation by ex-fellow combatants who were dismissive of their seat at the governing table of the new state.
Despite the many obstacles Algerian women have faced, they have remained socially and politically active. This can be seen by the return of women to the political forefront at the launch of the popular movement, known as Hirak, as well as the Revolution of Smiles.
The protests were triggered by former-president Abdelaziz Bouteflika’s announcement on 10 February 2019 that he would seek a fifth term in office. The Hirak succeeded in ousting Bouteflika, but the struggle to bring the structure of the entire regime down continues.
Despite their enormous historical contributions, Algeria’s iconic women remain somehow uncelebrated outside of the Grand Maghreb and the Arab world.
Here are eight revolutionary Algerian women whose defiance of social and gender norms has cemented their place in history.
Lalla Fadhma N’Soumer (1830-1863)
Lalla Fatma N’Soumer is renowned as an icon of female armed militancy (Wikicommons/ean Geiser/pd-us)
Born into a family of religious marabouts in 1830 (during the fall of Algeria to French colonisation) in a town called Soumer in the Kabylie region, Lalla Fadhma N’Soumer is renowned as an icon of female armed militancy and an Islamic religious authority of her time.
Known for her intellect and ferocity, she led the first wave of resistance (1850-1857) against the French after the death of Cherif Boubaghla in a battle on 26 December 1854.
While her enemies called her the Joan of Arc of the Djurdjura mountains for her military campaigns, she was also referred to as “lalla” or “lady” to signify her honour and sanctity.
In her article about Lalla N’Soumer, author Samia Touati recounts that on the day she was captured by the French army, Marshal Jacques Louis Cesar Alexandre Randon (1795- 1871) asked Lalla N’Soumer why her men violently resisted the French troops.
She replied: “God wanted it. It is neither your fault, nor mine. Your soldiers went out of their ranks to penetrate my village. Mine defended themselves. I’m now your captive. I have no reproach to you. You shouldn’t have any reproach to me. It was written this way!”
Zoulikha Oudai (1911-1957)
Zoulikha Oudai is known in Algeria as “mother of martyrs” (Creative commons/memoria)
Born Yamina Echaib in 1911 to an educated family in Hadjout, Zoulikha’s commitment to freedom fighting began as a mediator between the National Liberation Front (FLN) and the Algerian population.
A nationalist party formed in 1954 and which went on to rule Algeria after independence, the FLN initially resisted French colonialism through paramilitary guerrilla warfare.
The secrecy of Algerian independence operations warranted the need for mediators such as Oudai to contact Algerian families individually and confidentially to raise funds for the FLN.
In October 1957, the French army arrested Oudai and tortured her for ten days.
After refusing to divulge secret information, French soldiers pushed her from a helicopter, earning her the title of “mother of martyrs”.
Algerian writer Assia Djebar evokes the figure of Zoulikha Oudai in her 1977 film, La nouba des femmes du Mont Chenoua (The Nouba of the Women of Mount Chenoua) and her 2002 novel, La femme sans sepulture (The Woman Without a Tomb).
Djamila Bouhired (1935-present)
Djamila Bouhired was a militant during the war (AFP)
Born in 1935 in the historic neighbourhood of Al-Casbah in Algiers, militant Djamila Bouhired showed signs of political leadership in the early years of her childhood. As a pupil in a French school, Bouhired once rebelliously sang “Algeria is our mother” instead of “France is our mother.”
At the age of 20, Bouhired enthusiastically joined the FLN and later on the Fedayeen (armed militants) to take part in guerrilla warfare against the French colonists.
After she was arrested in 1957, Bouhired was tortured by being beaten, burnt and electrocuted at the Rheims prison where she was incarcerated.
Worldwide, activists marched to demand the release of Bouhired. Renowned Syrian poet NizarQabbani, Egyptian filmmaker Youssef Chahine, Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev and Egyptian president Gamal AbdelNasser all called for her release.
She was honoured by key personalities in the region: Nasser once received her in Egypt, Qabbani wrote a poem about her, the Lebanese musician Fairuz dedicated a song to her, and Chahine directed the 1958 film, Jamila, the Algerian, about her life. Bouhired was also featured in the 1966 Italian-Algerian production, The Battle of Algiers.
But after independence she was deliberately alienated from the political scene by fellow male FLN combatants. Bouhired decided to fight yet another battle against Bouteflika’s election when she marched alongside young student activists last year.
Exasperated by the injustice of patriarchy, Bouhired asserted women’s role in liberating Algeria by announcing during protests last year: “Our blood is the same as men’s. Our blood is not water. Our blood is blood.”
Louisette Ighilahriz
Louisette Ighilahriz’s memoire released in 2000 ignited a conversation in France on torture (AFP)
Born in 1936, militant and author Louisette Ighilahriz devoted her youth to helping the Algerian revolution by working as a courier to transport the FLN’s documents and weapons.
Ighlahriz documented her incarceration and torment at the hands of the French army in her autobiography, Algerienne. This account not only testifies to women’s active engagement during the Algerian war, but it also highlights the widespread use of torture committed by the French, which was finally acknowledged in 2018.
It was decades before Ighilahriz was finally ready to speak about the horrors she faced. In her book she gives a painful account of the dehumanising treatment, the beating and rape at the hands of French army captain Jean Graziani, while in prison.
In addition to the physical torment, Ighilahriz was forced to live in her own excrement: “My urine leaked through the sheet covering the bed, my excrement mixed with my menstrual blood and formed a stinking crust” which pushed her to the edge of insanity.
This account of torture is similar to other narratives on the experiences of other activists, including the biography, Pour Djamila Bouhired, by Jacques Verges (1957) La question by Henri Alleg (1961) and Djamila Boupacha (1962) by Gisele Halimi. Ighilahriz was, however, the first Algerian woman to speak out about rape in a personal autobiography.
Today, the 83-year-old remains active, talking about the betrayal of the revolution by its own militants after independence and participating in today’s revolution.
Zohra Drif (1934-present)
Born into an upper-class family in 1934, it was retired lawyer and politician Zohra Drif’s education that led her to develop staunch feminist and anti-colonial positions that propelled her active engagement with the FLN.
In her memoir, Inside the Battle of Algiers, Drif recounts the joys of having access to information on resistance while at university:
“We finally had access to the publications of the many parties and associations comprising our national movement: the UDMA’s La Republique Algerienne, the PPA-MTLD’s L’Algerie Libre; and El Bassair, published by the oulema. The press brought us information, opinion pieces, and analyses from various perspectives, while lectures by the very individuals engaged in the early struggle gave us the means to separate the wheat from the chaff.”
After independence, Drif continued her political engagement both as a lawyer and as a member of the Algerian Council of the Nation. Her autobiography Memoirs of a combattant of the ALN: Autonomous zone of Algiers is a testimony of her struggle during the Algerian revolution. Her feminist activism continued after independence as a critic of some of the government’s policies.
When a new Islamic family code was proposed in 1981 that would ultimately limit women’s rights within the household, Drif joined fellow feminists as they swarmed the streets of Algiers calling it “the infamy code”.
Drif also joined the masses that marched against former president Abdelaziz Bouteflika’s bid for a fifth term in Algeria last year, calling for the president’s resignation and opposing having a military state.
Salima Ghezali (1958-present)
Salima Ghezali fought against fundamentalism during the 1990’s civil war in Algeria (Creative Commons/Claude TRUONG-NGOC)
A founding member of the group Women in Europe and the Maghreb and president of the Association for the Advancement of Women, in Algiers, Salima Ghezali is known for her active role in fighting against fundamentalism during the 1990s civil war in Algeria.
The rise of Islamist patriarchy in Algeria was demarcated, on the political scene, by the proposition of a new family code in 1981 which designated the male patriarch as the head of each family, thus giving him authority over women.
Working as the editor of Algerian French-language weekly La Nation put Ghezali’s life in great danger because of her unyielding political opposition to the government of ex-president Chadli Bendjedid and the Islamist party (FIS). Her dissent against censorship infuriated both the Islamists and government officials.
Ghezali’s bravery as a journalist and a feminist was acknowledged worldwide; she received accolades from the World Press Review and the European parliament.
Nour El houda Dahmani and Nour El houda Oggadi
Today’s revolution is built on the back of the struggles of the past. The young students Nour El houda Dahmani and Nour El houda Oggadi are two women who joined the anti-corruption marches last year to demand long-overdue democratic reforms and a political system representative of its young population.
Law student and activist Nour El Houda Dahmani, 22, was arrested in September 2019 while marching in the Hirak student-led protests against the militarily imposed presidential elections.
Dhamani, who was holding a poster at the time of her arrest, reading: “All of the corrupt shall be held accountable”, soon became one of the many iconic faces of the Revolution of Smiles.
Although Dahmani stated that she was not mistreated in prison, the experience of incarceration was traumatic. She was supported by vast numbers of people, as she explained in an interview with Berbere Television: “When I read the articles written about me, and I heard that people marching in the Hirak were asking for my release, even my incarceration did not seem cruelly bad anymore.”
Upon her release, Dhamani only had one goal: to return to university despite missing an entire term.
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Like Dhamani, Nour El houda Oggadi is a student and activist who was arrested a couple of months later, on 19 December. She was charged with “demoralising the army” because of her social media posts and signs she carried while marching, which were part of demands calling for Algeria to function as a civilian, not a military state. Oggadi served 45 days in prison.
Prison did not deter Oggadi; after her release, she stated her pride in her role in this Hirak, which she describes as “the birth of a new generation.”
The two students became powerful symbols of female resistance in Algeria, just two in a long line of women fighting tyranny and injustice.
PM chairs opening ceremony of 15th Arab Sports Games.
On behalf of the President of the Republic, Abdelmadjid Tebboune, the Prime Minister, Aimene Benabderrahmane chaired the opening of the 15th Arab Sports Games organized by Algeria from on 5-15 July at Mohamed-Boudiaf Olympic Complex in Algiers, with the participation of nearly 2,000 athletes representing 22 Arab countries.
The opening ceremony of the 15th Arab Sports Games hosted by Algeria (July 5-15) started Wednesday in the Mohamed Boudiaf Olympic Complex in Algiers, in the presence of Prime Minister Aymen Benabderrahmane, members of government and guests from various countries and organizations.
Al-Samaani and Tabbi will serve in their roles for two years.
Saudi Justice Minister Waleed Al-Samaani has been elected head of the executive office of the Council of Arab Justice Ministers, the Saudi Press Agency reported.
Abdul Rashid Tabbi of Algeria was elected deputy head. Both will serve in their roles for two years.
The announcement came on Wednesday during the 71st session of the executive office, held at the Arab League’s headquarters in Cairo.
source/content: arabnews.com (headline edited)
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Saudi Justice Minister Waleed Al-Samaani attends 71st session of the executive office of the Council of Arab Justice Ministers. (SPA)
Saadi Yacef, the Algerian revolutionary leader who fought for his country’s liberation from French colonial rule, died on 10 September 2021. Yacef is perhaps one of the better known of Algeria’s resistance fighters because of the role he played in the creation of the film The Battle of Algiers , directed by the renowned Italian film maker Gillo Pontecorvo.
The Battle of Algiers was filmed in 1965 as a co-production between an Italian creative team and the new Algerian FLN (Front de Libération Nationale) government, whose representative Yacef produced the film and stars as the character of Jaffar.
One of the most extraordinary films ever made, The Battle of Algiers is an emotionally devastating account of the anticolonial struggle of the Algerian people and a brutally candid exposé of the French colonial mindset. Many French people were unhappy with the representation of their army and country in the film. It was not officially censored in France , but the general public and all cinemas boycotted it. It was seen as anti-French propaganda.
In later years, the film was screened to groups classed as revolutionaries and terrorists, apparently becoming a “documentary guidebook” in the Palestinian struggle, and for organisations such as the Irish Republican Army and the Black Panthers, who examined its detailed representation of guerrilla tactics.
It was also shown in the Pentagon in 2003, in the middle of the Iraq War. US Counterterrorism experts Richard Clarke and Mike Sheehan suggest that the film showed how a country can win militarily, but still lose the battle for “hearts and minds”.
What relevance does The Battle of Algiers hold today, 55 years after it was first released?
The message of the film is ultimately one of hope: the oppressed multitude will eventually triumph because their cause is just. The images of revolutionary crowds in the film recall the jerky, grainy footage that has emerged from a wave of recent protests in the last decade, from the Black Lives Matter movement to Extinction Rebellion . Pontecorvo thrillingly captures the power and possibility of large gatherings of citizens, who come together to demand rights, putting their bodies at risk to create social and political change.
Additionally, the film refuses to condemn any of the agents in this conflict. As Pontecorvo has stated
in a war, even if from a historical standpoint, one side is proven right, and the other wrong, both do horrendous things when they are in battle.
A film of contrasts
Shot in black and white, the film is difficult to classify in terms of style. Its military action sequences and tactical montages remind us of films like Zero Dark Thirty and The Eye in the Sky; indeed, it is almost impossible to film a scene of politically-motivated torture without having The Battle of Algiers as an implicit or explicit point of reference.
The collective aspect of the film’s creation, and the socialist ideals that inspired it, link it to what’s called Third Cinema. This was a kind of revolutionary cinema, a cinema of the “Third World”, that was designed to overthrow the systems of colonialism and capitalism.
The Battle of Algiers is also an example of Italian neorealism, a major film movement coming out of mid-twentieth century Italy. The neorealists made films that opposed Mussolini’s fascist regime, and they focused on the hardships of the working class in Italy. Neorealism was a moral and aesthetic system: it brought art and politics together to expose the ills of society and bring about social change.
The Battle of Algiers was shot entirely on location in Algiers, and Colonel Mathieu was the only professional on set. Pontocorvo selected the other actors from the local population based on their faces and expressions.
Other elements of the neorealist style was the use of techniques that create a documentary aesthetic such as the hand-held camera. Pontecorvo also uses extracts from real-life FLN and police communiqués, letters, and title cards. And he used newsreel stock, which was cheaper, but also added to the sense of verisimilitude in the film.
Although he believed the Algerians cause to be just, Pontecorvo wanted to create a nuanced and fair account of the war. Therefore, he sets up a series of contrasts to reflect this opposition between French and Algerian. This is present in the original musical score by Ennio Morricone: while groups of French soldiers rampage through the Casbah to the sound of jaunty military drums and horns, a haunting flute theme accompanies sequences which feature Algerian civilians.
Contrast is also evident in the use of light and shadow: there are strong chiaroscuro effects, perhaps reflecting the themes of right and wrong in the film. Pontecorvo also uses shadow to highlight the covert operations of the Algerians: Ali La Pointe’s face is filmed with deep shadows, and the face of Colonel Mathieu is always brightly lit.
Space provides another important contrast in the film. Frantz Fanon, a famous theorist of the Algerian revolution, describes the colonial world as a world “cut in two” because of the stark divide between the coloniser and the colonised. In The Battle of Algiers, the wide boulevards of the European quarter are juxtaposed to the narrow, winding, labyrinthine alleyways of the Casbah. Space is also divided vertically and horizontally – the European quarter is flat, while the Casbah is steep and sloping.
This opposition of space highlights the gap between rich and poor, coloniser and colonised.
The question of bias
The biggest contrast in the film is of course between the French and Algerians. The embodiment of French and European values in the film is Colonel Mathieu. He is a suave figure, confident and controlled in army fatigues, stylish sunglasses and slick speech – he has more dialogue than other characters in the film. A number of critics have argued that Mathieu is far ‘too cool’, given that he is a practitioner and a proponent of torture.
Yet Colonel Mathieu is not depicted as an ogre: above all, he embodies reason. We see this in his statements about the use of torture, when he uses solid rhetorical devices to justify it. He says:
…do you think France should stay in Algeria? If you do, you have to accept the necessary consequences.
This is persuasive as a logical argument – if you want French Algeria, you have to accept the actions that result in this outcome – torture.
If Mathieu and the French have reason, what do the Algerians have?
Firstly, they have raw, visceral emotion and the power of the group. The victory at the end of the film is a victory of the masses, embodied in two figures – the martyr Ali La Pointe, the illiterate everyman who becomes a hero for the revolution, and the gyrating, anonymous Algerian women, whose gaze outwards to the future closes the film.
This takes me to the final point about what the Algerians have on their side – the power of historical right. We see this through Pontecorvo’s use of chronology – the narrative proceeds as a flashback, until we leap forward in time to the euphoria and mania of the end of the war and the triumph of the revolutionaries. Pontecorvo here glosses over the fact that the real Battle of Algiers was lost by the Algerians, and jumps into a future of eventual victory in the war.
This is how he views the process of history – the masses, with moral right on their side, will eventually win.
Yacef Saadi (R), military leader of the FLN National Liberation Front networks of the autonomous zone of Algiers, poses after being captured at the end of the “Battle of Algiers”. Photo by -/AFP via Getty Images
The only billionaire Algeria has is Issad Rebrab, he is the owner of Algeria’s biggest company, Cevital, which is a sugar refinery company that produces about 2 million tons a year, Although, he is alone in his wealth, there are other 5 multibillionaires worthy of recognition.
He is the founder of BioPharm which is a large pharmaceutical company that manufactures and distributes drugs, BioPharm employs more than 1,500 people and gets more than $500 million revenues last year.
He is the 52-year-old founder of ETRHB Haddad Group with an annual revenue of $500 million, it’s very impressive that he’d founded this company at the age of 32, he is also the controlling shareholder of the Algerian club USM Alger that plays in the Algerian Premier League.
He is the head of the Benamor Group, which is one of the most successful food companies in Algeria. This company makes more than $80 million as an annual revenue.
This big guy owns the Condor Group which manufactures and distributes air conditioners, televisions, satellite receivers, washing machines, refrigerators, smartphones, tablets, gas cookers, microwaves, desktops and laptops, with an annual revenue of $700 million.
This 80-year-old guy owns the Mehri Group; the sole bottler of all Pepsi products, and the owner of many luxurious hotels.
source/content: scoopempire.com (headline edited) / Febronia Hanna
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pix: en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Algiers /L to R : Coast, Martyr’s Memorial , Ahmed Francis Building , Basilica of Our Lady of Africa, Central Post Office, Ketchaoua Mosque, Harbour
